Category Archives: AMPS

Lewy Olfson sets the record straight

From the Wisconsin State Journal

Olfson: Schools today have different objectives

by LEWY OLFSON
June 27, 2007

In a guest column headlined “What a difference 100 years makes,” Rick Berg makes a false assumption that an eighth grade test given in 1907 demonstrates that schools today are failing to achieve acceptable levels of learning in their pupils.

The world in 1907 was a very different place from the world today, and schools then had very different objectives from schools today. In 1907, American society needed a small number of highly educated workers and a huge number of unskilled laborers and farmers. Only a fraction of young people went to college.

The test referred to by Berg was designed to weed out those who were not considered suitable for higher education.

Berg doesn’t tell us how many eighth graders actually passed the difficult test he describes. He suggests that the difficult questions in that test were well within the capacity of most students. I seriously doubt that. Moreover, academic failure in 1907 was not a barrier to a young person’s ability to earn a living, nor did it carry any significant social stigma.

Today, graduation, not merely from the eighth grade but from high school, is all but essential if a young person is to achieve even a modest level of financial independence as an adult.

Schools today are attempting to meet the needs of our society as it exists in 2007, just as schools in 1907 were designed to meet the needs of society as it existed then.

Which brings me to my next bone of contention with Berg, his misunderstanding of the principles underlying government-supported mandatory public education. He proposes that the state should give parents vouchers which they would be free to use to buy education wherever they like.

In Berg’s world, schools would flourish or fail depending upon whether or not they offered programs that parents were happy with. But the each-school-has-its-own- system model simply does not reflect the underlying purpose of publicly funded education.

Publicly funded education rests on the premise that we, as a society, have a collective notion of the public good. We have a body of values that we want to inculcate in the next generation.

We have needs, as a society, that we want the next generation to fulfill. If taxpayers, even those of us who have never had children ourselves, are going to pay for the education of other people’s children, we want that education to be in the service of an ideal, an image of a future we can agree with and support.

In a democratic society, we the governed have agreed to finance a system of education for the good of society as a whole, but we don’t write that check without requiring accountability.

That is why we have elected school boards to establish policy and to oversee administration. The school board members are accountable to us, the taxpayers.

In Berg’s model, accountability is an issue between the individual school and its constituent parents. But that is not enough.

I do not intend to suggest that I think the Madison School District is completely successful. And the system can only benefit from the thoughtful suggestions of interested, serious people like Berg. But in this case, I believe his suggestions are misguided and ill-informed.

Olfson, now retired and living in Madison, was an education journalist for 25 years and is the author of a number of books for young people.

Thomas J. Mertz

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Juile Underwood on NCLB

From the Wisonsin State Journal:

Underwood: Federal schools measure is failing
Federal schools measure is failing

By JULIE UNDERWOOD
June 28, 2007

No one can argue against the idea of holding our public schools accountable for the quality of education provided for our children. No one can dispute that we must do more to ensure that all children receive an excellent education.

But the federal No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) does little to help either of those goals. When it comes to providing the constructive feedback necessary to help schools improve, the mechanism prescribed by NCLB fails miserably.

This reporting mechanism, the Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP), creates misperceptions that our schools are “failing,” when AYP often has little to do with the quality of schools.

Further, use of the label “failing” demeans the very educators who have dedicated their professional lives to improving schools in the face of complex challenges, many of which are outside the realm of the public schools.

Locally, the recent AYP reports (Wisconsin State Journal, June 13) — which labeled all four of Madison’s public high schools as “failing” despite state data much to the contrary — served only to mislead the public. They join a long and growing list of examples of the inadequacy and punitive nature of this so-called measure.

Under NCLB, a school can be labeled as “failing” for a number of reasons, including many that have nothing to do with actual achievement — for example, simply because fewer than 95 percent of its students within a single demographic subgroup took the test. It’s no wonder that many schools across the nation rate highly on state measures, yet fail to make AYP.

Despite the name, AYP reports do not actually measure “progress.” To measure progress (and get a truer picture of how our schools are doing), we need to look at how the same students perform over time — where they started and where they finished.

The AYP from year to year compares different groups of students. It does not follow a child’s learning from the beginning to the end of the year.

By 2014, NCLB has legislated that 100 percent of the students — including those who have special needs, lack English proficiency, come from disadvantaged circumstances, etc. — must be proficient in reading, math, and science or their schools will receive the dreaded failing grade. How absurd!

By ratcheting up AYP targets for what constitutes “adequate” achievement to unattainable levels and then shaming any school that fails even in one area, NCLB has set the stage to flunk our entire system of public education.

Nothing would delight educators more than to see dramatic increases in student achievement, especially our students from disadvantaged groups. The education community ardently supports high expectations that challenge children to excel.

It is clear that AYP merely masquerades as accountability and adds nothing of value toward the goal of providing the best possible education for all children. Genuine school improvement requires legitimate and meaningful assessments that provide useful feedback for educators and produce a fair and accurate picture for parents, policymakers, and the general public.

Underwood is dean of the UW-Madison School of Education.

Thimas J. Mertz

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Democratic Presidential Candidates on Education

The first two questions in last night’s presidential debate were on education. Because of the one minute answer format there aren’t many devilish details, but I still think it is worth reading what they had to say. The education questions and answers are excerpted here, a full transcript has been posted by the New York Times.

Thomas J. Mertz

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Compare and Contrast (Seattle-Louisville & Brown)

I’m going to be posting a lot more on the Seattle-Louisville decision, school integration, policy, history and my experiences, thoughts and feelings.

As I sort through the opinion, concurrences, dissents and reactions, I am struck by the contrasts in presentation (and content) between this decision and the Brown ruling and what these say about where we have been, where we have moved and where we are going as a nation.

The Brown decision was unanimous. The Court spoke with one voice; there were no concurrences or dissents. This was by design. Chief Justice Warren worked hard to make this happen because he wanted the Court to make a social or moral statement as well as a legal one. The Brown decision was short, about — 10 pages — because Warren wanted to speak to the American public and the world, not just lawyers, lawmakers and school policy people. The language was plain and the legalese minimal. Warren knew that this was a turning point in American history and he wanted that message to be clear to all. The Court was declaring that segregation was unconstitutional and wrong and that Federal power could be used to right this wrong. In the decades that followed Brown, Jim Crow apartheid fell due to the efforts of those who demanded that Federal power be used to redeem the promises of equality and equal access.

In part because of the desire for unanimity, the Brown decision left much unadressed, famously employing the contradictory phrase “all deliberate speed” in lieu of an actual remedy, but there was no question that the Court was telling states and school districts that they should act to eradicate segregation. This part of the message was clear. The lack of an explicit remedy was also in deference to the American tradition of state and local educational governance. This was made explicit in the 1971 Swann case:

School authorities are traditionally charged with broad power to formulate and implement educational policy and might well conclude, for example, that in order to prepare students to live in a pluralistic society each school should have a prescribed ratio of Negro to white students reflecting the proportion for the district as a whole. To do this as an educational policy is within the broad discretionary powers of school authorities.” 402 U. S., at 16.

The judgment of the plurality in the Seattle-Louisville (only four Justices concurred in full) radically differs from the Brown case in presentation, moral clarity and policy. Chief Justice Robert’s opinion is 48 pages long. With Justice Thomas’s concurrence, Justice Kennedy’s opinion, and the dissents from Justice Stevens and Justice Breyer, the package is 185 pages. With the exceptions of the historical section of Justice Breyer’s dissent and the introduction to Justice Steven’s dissent the writing is aimed at legal scholars. This is not a united Court seeking to communicate clearly to a broad audience.

As Justice Breyer makes clear, the issues before the Court are not much different than the issues the Brown court faced and nearly identical to those addressed in Swann and other cases, yet the plurality of this case offers justifications for equivocation instead legal and moral clarity. They say the “right things” about the value of diversity, but rule absurdly that school districts cannot use racial criteria to achieve racial diversity. Even Justice Kennedy (who joins in the judgment, but not the opinion) seems to demand that districts that desire racial diversity not employee racial-based means to achieve race-based goals.

It would be charitable to say that the lack of clarity and the contradictions and the legal nitpicking reflect the confusion of our society on racial issues, but I’m not feeling charitable. In 1954, when Brown was decided, at least half our nation was crystal clear on racial matters and the Court told them they were wrong (in the years that followed the Court also did much to clear up the “confusion” of the rest of the nation). So yes, I’ll grant that our society is confused, but I refuse to give the Supreme Court a pass on these grounds.

Writing in Slate earlier this week, Walter Dellinger and Delilah Lithwick made an important observation about the Roberts Court: “Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito—perhaps recalling their recent confirmation encomiums to stare decisis—have apparently decided to overrule cases without saying they are overruling them.” In his dissent, Breyer made a similar point: “The basic problem with the plurality’s technical dicta-based response lies in its overly theoretical approach to case law, an approach that emphasizes rigid distinctions between holdings and dicta in a way that serves to mask the radical nature of today’s decision.” The confusion is deliberate, cowardly and dishonest. Roberts will not say that Brown and Swann and decades of other cases have been overruled, but Swann certainly has (along with all the voluntary desegregation and de facto segregation cases and plans) and Brown hangs on by the thin thread of a “narrowly tailored remedy” to only de jure segregation subject to strict scrutiny. This deliberate confusion does our schools and those who govern them a disservice. In the wake of this ruling, much of the discussion has centered on the Kennedy opinion and what sorts of policies might satisfy Kennedy and therefore withstand a legal challenge. Scholars may have fun with that, but most districts can’t risk it. Most districts will abandon any use of race in assignment and the trends toward greater segregation will continue.

I’m going to close with a quote from Brown and try not to shed a tear for all that has been gained and lost since then and all that today the Court said we can no longer seek:

We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other “tangible” factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does.

Thomas J. Mertz

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More on the Supreme Court Decision (links)

“You Better Leave Segregation Alone” by the Nashville Quartet (listen)
(A reminder of what this is about and where we are as a country when the ironic protest song of 1960 becomes an accurate summation of views of the the narrow majority of the Supreme Court and thus the law of the land).

NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC

Teaching Brown: Reflections on Pedagogical Challenges and Opportunities
History of Education Quarterly, v. 44, Spring 2004
(A number of leading historians of education reflect on the Brown decision and how to communicate what it means to today’s students).

Supreme Court – School Integration
A national clearinghouse of Supreme Court School Integration information. Established by NAACP LDF.
(Some of the best information and opinions I’ve seen so far.)

Breaking: SCOTUS Strikes Down Voluntary School Integration
by The Maven (DailyKos)

Hillary [Clinton] on the School Desegregation Case

[John]EDWARDS EXPRESSES CONCERN ABOUT RADICAL SHIFT OF SUPREME COURT

Senator Barack Obama Releases Powerful Statement

Turning Brown Against Itself, Thomas Healy (more from Dorf on Law)

Shifting The Groundwork At SCOTUS (from firedoglake)

SCOTUS: Segregation Now, Segregation Forever? (from DailyKos)

Integrating Public Schools Not a Legitimate State Interest Says Roberts Court (from TalkLeft)

SCOTUSBlog
(Lots here)

More to come

Thomas J. Mertz

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Sad Day, the End of an Era

The Supreme Court has ruled 5-4 against the racial diversity measures used in Seattle and Louisville. The full opinion, with dissents is here. I’m going to be writing and linking more on this in the coming days, for now I just want to highlight this excerpt from Justice Steven’s dissent:

There is a cruel irony in THE CHIEF JUSTICE’s reliance on our decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U. S.294 (1955). The first sentence in the concluding paragraph of his opinion states: Before Brown, schoolchildren were told where they could and could not go to school based on the color of their skin. Ante, at 40. This sentence reminds me of Anatole France’s observation: [T]he majestic equality of the la[w], forbid[s] rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal their bread.1 THE CHIEF JUSTICE fails to note that it wasonly black schoolchildren who were so ordered; indeed, thehistory books do not tell stories of white children struggling to attend black schools.2 In this and other ways, THECHIEF JUSTICE rewrites the history of one of this Court’s most important decisions. Compare ante, at 39 (.history will be heard.), with Brewer v. Quarterman, 550 U. S. ___,___ (2007) (slip op., at 11) (ROBERTS, C. J., dissenting) (.Itis a familiar adage that history is written by the victors.).

THE CHIEF JUSTICE rejects the conclusion that the racial classifications at issue here should be viewed differently than others, because they do not impose burdens on one race alone and do not stigmatize or exclude.3 The only justification for refusing to acknowledge the obvious importance of that difference is the citation of a few recent opinions none of which even approached unanimity grandly proclaiming that all racial classifications must be analyzed under strict scrutiny. See, e.g., Adarand Constructors,Inc. v. Peña, 515 U. S. 200, 227 (1995). Even today, two of our wisest federal judges have rejected such a wooden reading of the Equal Protection Clause in the context of school integration. See 426 F. 3d 1162, 1193.1196 (CA9 2005) (Kozinski, J., concurring); Comfort v.Lynn School Comm., 418 F. 3d 1, 27.29 (CA1 2005)(Boudin, C. J., concurring). The Court’s misuse of the three-tiered approach to Equal Protection analysis merely reconfirms my own view that there is only one such Clause in the Constitution. See Craig v. Boren, 429 U. S. 190, 211(1976) (concurring opinion).4If we look at cases decided during the interim between Brown and Adarand, we can see how a rigid adherence to tiers of scrutiny obscures Brown’s clear message. Perhaps the best example is provided by our approval of the decision of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts in1967 upholding a state statute mandating racial integration in that State’s school system. See School Comm. of Boston v. Board of Education, 352 Mass. 693, 227 N. E. 2d729.5 Rejecting arguments comparable to those that the plurality accepts today,6 that court noted: .It would be the height of irony if the racial imbalance act, enacted as it was with the laudable purpose of achieving equal educational opportunities, should, by prescribing school pupil allocations based on race, founder on unsuspected shoals in the Fourteenth Amendment. Id., at 698, 227 N. E. 2d,at 733 (footnote omitted).

Thomas J. Mertz

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Why Teacher’s Quit

“The combination of the increased needs of children and the increased testing and paperwork pressures of No Child Left Behind is a lethal one for many teachers. What started as exciting and meaningful work becomes overwhelmingly stressful and unfulfilling.

Inadequate funding, across all school districts in California, still places severe limitations on reducing class size and providing students with emotional support services. Additionally, many districts are more concerned with the stigma of low test scores than they are with providing adequate support for teachers. “

Full story By Mark Phillips in the Marin Independent Journal (hat tip to Jim Horn at Schools Matter).

Thomas J. Mertz

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Mayor Dave on the State Finance System

Mayor Dave Cieslewicz knows the primary source of Madison’s school budget woes. Published in Southern Exposure, the newsletter of the South Metropolitan Planning Council and elsewhere.

Thomas J. Mertz

School Funding System Needs Reform
By Mayor Dave Cieslewicz

“The worst choice, except for all of the others.”

This is what comes to my mind when reflecting upon the recent budget challenges that Madison school district leaders, parents and students have faced. After the recent, difficult debate over the issue of school consolidations and other painful budget measures, there can no longer be any doubt that the school funding system is broken beyond repair.

As the school district correctly notes, thanks to this broken system, they are trapped within a spiral of budget shortfalls and cuts to programming. Although they were able to avoid consolidating schools this year, they were nonetheless forced to reduce resources for special education, increase class sizes, and make a number of other cuts that threaten the quality of our public schools. This is a pattern that has been continuing, and worsening, for a number of years.

This is not to be critical of the school board or the administration. I know from experience how difficult these budget decisions can be, and am confident they are making the best decisions they can, given the hand they have been dealt by the state. There are no more easy choices or easy cuts to make. We are well beyond the point where platitudes such as “finding efficiencies” will make the budget balance.

Until we see reform at the state level, we will face these same decisions, and our community with go through the same difficulties, year after year. School district leaders know this, and embarked earlier this year on a campaign to build political support for ending the current, unfair system.

The City of Madison is answering that call, by making school funding reform a central part of our legislative agenda. For starters, the revenue caps must go. I am a strong believer in local government and local accountability. We in Madison are perfectly capable of making local budget decisions and choosing local leaders who reflect our values.

The next step is to create a new system that provides fair and adequate funding for our public schools. I am encouraged that every Madison-area legislator has signed on to a resolution calling for a new system to be in place by July 1, 2009.

The resolution specifies four key components of a new, fair system: it must provide funding based on the actual cost of education, not arbitrary per-pupil formulas; it must provide adequate resources to educate all of our children, regardless of their background; it must provide additional resources for special needs, such as non-English speaking students; and it must be based on a fairer tax base that moves us away from reliance upon the property tax.

These are all important goals. Until we achieve them, the turbulence our community experienced during this year’s school budget will not only happen again, it will get worse. And once again, we will be forced to make “the worst choice, except for all the other ones.”

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Russ Feingold on NCLB

Contact Senator Feingold, Senator Kohl and Representative Baldwin and let them know what you think!

Thomas J. Mertz

FEINGOLD QUESTIONS ADMINISTRATION’S CONTINUED SUPPORT OF NCLB
Administration’s Top-Down Approach to Education Contradicted by Education Secretary’s Recent Op-Ed
June 22, 2007

Washington, DC – U.S. Senator Russ Feingold (D-WI) is leading a group of Senators in calling into question the Administration’s continued support of the No Child Left Behind law following a recently published op-ed by the Secretary of Education that expressed support for state and local control of education policy. In a letter to the Department of Education Secretary Margaret Spellings, the Senators cited her June 9th Washington Post op-ed, where she said that a move toward a national test would be “unprecedented and unwise” because states and localities have primarily held the leadership role in public education. Feingold and the other Senators questioned why the Department of Education does not extend this same rationale to the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) and they urged the Administration to work with Congress to reform key provisions of NCLB during the congressional reauthorization process. The letter was cosigned by Senators Pat Leahy (D-VT), Ben Nelson (D-NE), Debbie Stabenow (D-MI), Claire McCaskill (D-MO) and Maria Cantwell (D-WA).

“NCLB has hamstrung state and local decision-making by establishing a federal accountability system that measures and punishes our students and our schools based on, among other things, annual high-stakes standardized testing,” Feingold said. “This is the wrong approach, and the groundswell of opposition to the NCLB – from parents, educators, and administrators alike – shows just how flawed it is.”

The Administration’s proposal for NCLB reauthorization, released earlier this year, did not embrace enough of the themes Secretary Spellings expressed in her recent op-ed. Under the Department’s recommendations, states would still be required to annually assess students and states and districts would still be required to implement sanctions that may not be working in local schools and districts, including transfer options and supplemental educational services. Feingold opposed NCLB in 2001because he did not believe a federal policy centered on standardized tests was the best approach for Wisconsin students, teachers, and school districts.

“As Secretary Spellings points out, states and local districts are the ones developing the curriculum used in our nation’s schools and they’re the ones paying most of the costs of education,” Feingold said. “I hope Secretary Spellings’ recent op-ed signals a shift away from the Administration’s top-down approach to education and back toward empowering those who are working in the classrooms every day.”

A copy of the letter is available here: http://feingold.senate.gov/pdf/ltr_spellings_062207.pdf

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BOE Contract Vote

Three Board of Education members voted against the MTI contract on Monday, June 18, 2007. My initial reaction was that it was a ‘free” vote, a vote without consequences. When elected officials know that there are sufficient votes to pass or defeat a measure they can use their votes to make a statement without taking responsibility for what would happen were they to prevail. This is what happened on Monday, those who voted against the contract knew that it would pass and that they would not be held responsible for the serious consequences that would ensue had they been in the majority. Upon reflection, I realized that in fact the vote has the consequences of exacerbating divisions among our teachers that are hard to justify based on their stated rationales for opposing the contract.

What would have happened if the minority had been the majority, had the contract been voted down after the union had already ratified it? Negotiations would have continued in some form, perhaps simply the preparation of final offers to submit to arbitration. At the Board meeting Superintendent stated that under those circumstances he would have requested the appointment of a new negotiating team. That certainly would have lengthened the process and meant the allocation of additional resources. Superintendent Rainwater and all of the Board members who spoke to the matter were in agreement that the contract was within the guidelines that the Board had given the negotiating team. This raises the possibility that voting down would have been considered a violation of the obligation to bargain in good faith. If that had happened, the union would have gained a big advantage in the continued negotiations. From the district point of view, none of these are good things.

Those who voted against the contract expressed their dissatisfaction with the fact that continuing the basic healthcare framework (WPS and GHC, with most of the cost differences paid by the district) limited the district’s ability to increase salaries. Further negotiations would not have changed this. The impasse agreement in place indicates that the negotiations had passed the deadline where they were required to submit the issues to binding arbitration. Anecdotally, arbitration is rarely desirable for school districts; the terms of the impasse agreement precluded “any modifications of Section VII-B of the Collective Bargaining Agreement, i.e Group Health Insurance.”

I doubt the minority voters would have voted against the contract if there had been any possibility that it would have been rejected; looking at where that would have left the district I am glad there was no possibility.

Those who voted against the contract had previously spoken against the impasse agreement, contending that the district had surrendered a “huge bargaining chip” in the battle to reduce health care costs. It has been explained before that very little was surrendered and that the district received concessions from MTI in return, but this message does not seem to have gotten through. In exchange for an agreement by MTI not to authorize job actions (including “work to contract, which would kill extracurriculars) the district agreed not to impose a Qualified Economic Offer and to remove health insurance and some other issues from potential arbitration (the impasse agreement also set a calendar and included some other conditions, but I don’t know whose interests these favored, perhaps both). A Qualified Economic Offer must maintain, “fringe benefits in effect 90 days before bargaining commenced” and “district percentage fringe contributions then in effect.” In other words, it is impossible for a QEO to change health care benefits in any way. The new contract contains some changes and in this way comes closer to satisfying the expressed desires of those who voted against it.

The two ways to win concessions on healthcare are via negotiations or arbitration. MMSD “gave away” the option of unconditional arbitration (and won some concessions via negotiations). Robert Butler of the Wisconsin Association of School Boards (and MMSD bargaining team) cautions “careful consideration” before risking arbitration and identifies four conditions that should be present before a district contemplates this option: “excessive postemployment benefit costs, high health insurance premiums, declining enrollment and a small fund balance.” In comparison to districts around the state (the comparables that an arbitrator would use), MMSD clearly doesn’t meet two of these conditions (postemployment costs and declining enrollment) and is borderline on the others. Seeking healthcare concessions via arbitration does not look like a winning strategy. So much for the “huge bargaining chip.”

Those who voted against the contract gave four reasons that I recall. I’m unclear about the one that had to do with retirees. Another had to do with a quickly corrected misstatement in MTI’s summary of the terms. The healthcare benefit/salary ratio and the supposed effect of this on MMSD’s competitiveness in attracting and retaining quality teachers was the big one and this was linked to the last: concerns about the turnout at the union contract ratification vote. Although members of the minority averred of a desire to “interfere in internal union politics” it is hard to see these last three as anything else (and additionally a way to score points with anti-union voters in future elections).

Before turning to the effect of this attempted interference, I want to quickly address the realities of MMSD’s competitiveness. I’m second to none in my desire for well compensated teachers (salaries and benefits). Both the 1% salary increase and the 4% total package increase are less than I wish the district could provide, but the state finance system doesn’t allow that. The implication is that MMSD salaries are not competitive or will soon cease to be competitive. All evidence is that this is not true. The Wisconsin Association of School Boards collects salary data from districts. In 2006-7 out of 104 districts reporting, MMSD ranked 20th in BA starting salary; 10th in BA and 6 years; 7th in BA max; 39th in MA base; 33d in MA and 9 years; and 43d in MA max. MMSD recently had the highest starting salaries of any surrounding districts. National surveys show that Wisconsin salaries now lag behind those of other midwestern states and MMSD salaries (higher than the state average) seem to be at about the regional average. If MMSD does have difficulty attracting teachers (and I have yet to see any evidence that this is true), I would guess that it is because potential recruits recognize that the state finance system works against job security by forcing “last hired, first fired” cuts. I think that working toward state finance reform will be more effective in raising our teacher salaries than symbolic votes and unsupported assertions about salary competitiveness.

Various school board members have sought to undermine the solidarity of the union by focusing on the differential benefits of those who choose various health plans and have gone so far as saying that it is the “early and mid career” teachers they care about (presumably to the exclusion of our most experienced staff). Exacerbating these divisions is one consequence of their votes against the contract. The success of our schools depends on our teachers working together as teams. Pitting one group of teachers against another can destroy the collegiality of our teaching staff and harm the education of our children. I guess that a minority of the Board thought the benefits of their symbolic vote justified that risk (I am not clear what the supposed benefits are, maybe exacerbating these divisions, but that would be interfering in union politics and they said they weren’t doing that…it gets confusing).

There were also numerous references to the “low” turnout at the union ratification vote. One board member said the turnout was 1%, the number floating around now is about 100 union members voted the only news report I’ve seen put the number at “about 200” or a bit under 10%. Not a huge turnout but also in no way evidence that some silent majority of the union opposed the contract. We hear a lot about MTI’s supposed failure to represent the interests of the membership. If this were true, if dissatisfaction were widespread then it should have been easy to mobilize 200 teachers to vote against the contract. The voices of dissatisfaction point to short notice as a reason for their failure to mobilize. The MTI Bargaining Committee is elected by the membership and there is plenty of notice for those elections. The committee has 15 positions, with 5 up for election each year. This year and last only one of those seats was contested. The Lord helps those who help themselves, but apparently three school board members want to help those who can’t be bothered to help themselves. Maybe they should consider the union members as adults, fully capable of understanding and acting on their interests and not arrogantly seek to undermine the expressed will of the teachers via the established procedures of their legal agent instead of trying to impose what they think is best for others.

I can imagine circumstances where the best interests of the district require the consideration of going to arbitration in an attempt to gain a better contract than what the QEO requires. That is not what happened here (there is little hope of a better contract and no hope on the issues raised by the nay voters) and these circumstances do not exist in MMSD.

I’m tired of writing about health insurance, teacher contracts and the QEO. I’d much rather spend my time and energy on other things. However, as long as some insist on continuing to play political games by using this issue, I’m sure I will continue to put in my 2 cents.

Some are praising those who voted against contract. I hope that this post makes the following clear:

1. The stated goals of those voting against the contract could not be achieved via continued negotiations.

2. Voting down the contract would have weakened the district’s bargaining position and may have led to a ruling that the district had not met good faith criteria.

3. The members who voted against the contract did so knowing that they would lose and they would not be held responsible for the above.

4. Health care savings cannot be achieved by imposing a Qualified Economic Offer.

5. The possibility of arbitration without conditions that the impasse agreement took off the table offered little hope of achieving the stated goals of those who voted against the contract and opposed the impasse agreement.

6. All the evidence indicates that MMSD salaries at all levels, but especially at the lower levels, are competitive.

7. The vote against the contract and the accompanying statements undermine teacher collegiality and morale, to the detriment of our children.

8. Teachers who are dissatisfied with MTI’s bargaining goals and the contract have made little effort to change the former or block ratification of the latter.

There is nothing praiseworthy and much to condemn in what the minority did and their use of unsupportable claims to justify their actions.

Thomas J. Mertz

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